Patron of Hunters
Chien de Saint Hubert. Half-length portrait. Toned wood engraving by Jules Huyot (Toulouse 1841 – Eaubonne 1921) after Jules Gélibert (Bagnères-de Bigorre 1834 – 1916). C. 1870. 6¾ × 5⅞ in (17 × 15 cm).
Not in Schlieker, Die Verehrung des hl. Hubertus im Wandel der Jahrhunderte, 2016. – Thieme-Becker XIII, 365: “(Gélibert) paints almost exclusively animal and hunting pictures … ” – Pupil of his father, the animal painter Paul G., whose field he favoured together with his brother Gaston and continued including hunting. Showed at the Paris Salon since 1859, then in Brussels & Berlin, too.
Offer no. 14,463 / EUR 66. (c. US$ 72.) + shipping
OF ALL HUBERTS
In the Home Environment of the Saint
as of Greatest Authenticity .
And in almost matchless large format .
With Hubert-bursting Dedication
Hubert Keeper of the Grail
Frederik de Marselaer
— Rubens painted him —
Nicolaes de Bruyn
Antwerp 1571 – Rotterdam 1656
The South Netherlandish princely “Wild Hunter” as according to Döbel Father of the Par Force Hunt and correspondingly with bugle and 6-head pack kneeling bareheaded before a stag with surroyals in grand wood scenery in the manner of the 3rd Gillis van Coninxloo (Antwerp? 1544 – Amsterdam 1607). On the pool behind the stag two swans as the prophesying birds of mythology, on the trunk above the horse a hissing snake as temptress. Closest to the stag and apart from the others a hound of Saint Hubert as the only one looking at his master. Engraving. (1614.) Sheet size 27½ × 18 in (69.9 × 45.8 cm).
Frederik de Marselaer ?
(Antwerp 1584 – [St. Hubert-] Elewijt 1670)
Frederik Josef Ignatius de Marselaer ?
(1656 – 1718)
Conte Giovanni Maria Mazzuchelli
(Brescia 1707 – 1765)
(Jöcher VIII , 1127 ff.; Meyers Konv.-Lex., 4th ed., IX [1889, 98)
with his 5-fold stamping on the back
Schöne Beute — Bilder von der Jagd
Dr. Hanns Simon Foundation Bitburg
13 January – 3 March 2013
Catalog Book to the Exhibition
pages 6 (full-page detail illustration), 13 f. & 147
Die Verehrung des hl. Hubertus im Wandel der Jahrhunderte, 2016
complete & 2 detail illustrations 19/25 (this copy)
Not among the 172 illustrations of the – as against the first edition of 1927 – richly enlarged second one of Huyghebaert’s Sint Hubertus Patroon van de Jagers in Woord en Beeld, Antwerp ( sic ! ) 1949, see below.
Hollstein 114 & Wurzbach 52, each without characteristics of states, see below, but Wurzbach generally: “The impressions before the addresses of Gerard Valck (1626 – after 1694) & Peter Schenk I (1661-1715). are the better ones for his delicate needle work was worn soon”. – The copy of the Rijksmuseum, acquired only 1991 ( sic ! ), without Marselare arms & “1656”, see below, in the subject and without caption. – Bredius, Künstler-Inventare, V, p. 1600, no. 9 (“Van Sincte Huybrecht een plaet”), documenting the plate per Jan. 16, 1632 in an inventory of the Rotterdam orphan chamber. – Not among the 140 de Bruyn sheets in the British Museum!
Cf. Plietzsch, Gillis van Coninxloo 14 in Die Frankenthaler Maler (1910/1972) with plate V; Stechow, Dutch Landscape Painting (2nd ed., 1968), pp. 65 ff. & ill. 122; Devisscher, Kerstiaen de Keuninck (1987), pp. 36, 89 & ill. Z 10.
With Joannes Meyssens’ (Antwerp 1612 – Brussels 1670; painter, draughtsman, engraver, and publisher; “established one of the biggest art publishing houses in Antwerp” [Wurzbach])
1656 publisher’s dedication for Frederik de Marselaer :
“ I(ll?). Nob(i)lissi(mum) Dno FR(E)DERI(C)O de MARSELAE(R,) Equiti Aurato et Lauretano, Baroni de (Perc)k (et E)lewyt S. Huberti, Toparchæ liberi Dominii de Opdorp. Hærseaux Oycke, etc. … Man. à Consiliis B(e)lli, septimum Bruxellæ Cons(uli, ha)nc D. Huberti iconem D. C. Q. Io(a)nnes Meyssens ”.
Above in the picture itself lower right
the “MARSELARE” coat-of-arms
consisting of the ancestral crestbelow the 5-pointed coronet along with the two
par force hounds
erected on both sides, here holding arms banners: on the left the Marselaer one, on the right that of the wife, Margriete van Borainage (de Bernaige, Baronaige, née 1584, nuptials 1626, more see below). Followed below center by the year 1656 which has been restored here in writing. These additions as against the copy in Amsterdam at the expense of marginal image fillers. The new edition at this point imaginable both as commemorative edition on de Bruyn’s death as also, and in connection with the extensive Marselaer reference more probable, as
morning greeting to the birth of Frederick as Marselaer grandson and heir .
For the grandfather’s social position was superb :
Mayor of Brussels ,
Chairman of the Brotherhood of St. Hubertus
Keeper of the Insignia of Hubert at Elewijt
( A. Waumans, Levensschets van den H. Hubertus. Zijne vereering te Elewijt. 1927,
as source unbeknownst to Schlieker ) .
Frederik de Marselaer
(Antwerp 1584 – [St. Hubert-] Elewijt 1670)
Jöcher Gelehrten=Lexicon III , 208 & VIII , 789;
Biographie Nationale XIII [1894/95], col. 854-860;
confiscates 1631 the 80 copies delivered to Madrid of Marselaer’s Legatus
[several editions between 1618 & 1668, among them Weimar 1663]
dedicated to Philip IV of Spain [sic!]
as well as the Spanish edition of the Ortelius Atlas
published also by Moretus in Antwerp and supplied there, too;
Peter Paul Rubens
Half-length portrait of Marselaer, oil, 1635/40
[Rosenberg, 2nd ed., 1906, ill. p. 333]
1638 sketch for the title of the Legatus, engraved by Cornelis Galle II
between Dec. 1656 & June 1665 for the 1666 Moretus edition
[Corpus Rubenianum XXI, 1977, pt. 1, pp. 344-348, no. 84 & pt. II, ill. 286;
van de Velde, see below, ill. 1],
after he had dealt with such one already in the early 1620s
and inspired that one of van Loon of the 1626 edition
[van de Velde ills. 3];
Lusus Anagrammaticus super Illustri a Centum Lustris Nomine
DE MARSELAER , Brussels 1662;
Anthony van Dyck
Marselaer portrait engraved by Adriaen Lommelin
[active Antwerp 1654-1677];
Portrait engraving of de Marselaer in the age of 80 & View of his mausoleum
[Thieme-Becker XX, 1927, p. 85; ills. & inscription of the portrait at Hooc, s. b., p. 31];
Een Brusselse Magistraat van het Ancien Régime:
Frederic de Marselaer
in Gemeentekrediet van België XXIII, 1969, pp. 27-35,
with illustrations of the [commemorative] medals, too;
C. van de Velde
Rubens , Frederic de Marselaer en Theodor van Loon
in Festbundel beij de opening van het Kolveniershof en het Rubenianum, 1981, pp. 69-82.
Ridder Dr. iur. Frederic (Fraderi, Frider) de Marselaer
Lord of Opdorp, alderman, treasurer, and ultimately Lord Mayor of Brussels, graduated 1611 at Leuven, gentleman’s tour to Italy, author of the important two-part work on legations
Khpykeion, sive Legationvm Insigne ,
published first 1618, which interested Rubens, in touch with its author in the course of orders for Brussel’s cityhall, all the more as affecting his own services in diplomatic missions, summarizing in his understanding of the value of negotiating envoys as well in times of peace as war, indeed, quite especially during the latters. In another Antwerp title sheet he gave utterance to this conviction in 1623 by juxtaposition of peace & war by divine prototypes (van de Velde, op. cit., ill. 6) and the same year this train of thought is then also subject of a discussion by correspondence with de Marselaer, who wished for a new title for an overdue enlarged new edition of larger format, too, of his Legatus. Which then, 1626, however, was delivered by Theodoor van Loon, nevertheless in fancy of Rubens. That is with Mercury and combative Minerva and these as opponents looking past each other (van de Velde ill. 3). As conveying just this, too, the omission of the recourse to the de Marselaer device
ARTE ET MARTE
contrary to the 1618 title by an anonymous is to be regretted. Fascinating, however, the further development of this 1626 title fifteen years later by now Rubens himself after his first occupation with it in 1623. Finally leaving behind its usually rather more marginal character as entrée book decoration it catapults to a humanitarian event: Peace & War , Mercury & Minerva , join hands over the title plate of de Marselaer’s Legatus, driving back their contrary attributes. In the rural tranquility of Elewijt – in 1635 Rubens had acquired the feudal country seat Steen van Elewijt, by which the long standing contacts between de Marselaer and himself had become neighborly terms, too – Rubens reviewed, so Carl van de Velde summing up his richly illustrated fine contribution in the 1981 Rubenianum commemorative publication, see below, his own carreer as diplomat and came to a more positive view, had Minerva put aside the combative attributes borrowed from Pallas Athene and find back to her character as the goddess of peace. So far this Rubens aspect important for de Marselaer’s additional positioning.
In his Hubert-centeredness de Marselaer, by marriage (see below) Lord and first baron of Perk & Elewijt, Lord of Herseaux, Oycke, and Loxem, gets central mention in the bull of the Mechelen archbishop Jacobus Boonen of October 15, 1650 by which this recognizes canonically
both the Elewijt Hubert insignia and the Hubert brotherhood
per May 1, 1651. While the latter already existed for a very long time, so the insignia were transferred by the Antwerp Capuchins for the chapel of the castle of Elewijt after former ones were lost by ravage of the church in the course of iconoclasm. The richly decorated bull – Huyghebaert ills. 78-80 – shows as centerpiece of the wide upper ledge the saint as portrait-medallion with bishop’s insignia and apparently the stag’s head on the right and on both sides two arms each for Boonen & Marselear framed by hunting parties, at which, in contrast to her arms banner in the engraving here, that of Lady Marselear cites her husband’s emblems in the left field of the crest. The lateral fields decorated with tulips as then still very precious, at which Huyghebaert considers possible they might be designed as reverence for Rubens whoused to please with suchlike his tulip lover Justus Lipsius. Also for the left group of the upper ledge – ill. 79 – returning from hawking and hunting on high and small game the surroundings of Baerbeek might be considered where Rubens as well as Teniers have painted many landscapes. Whereas
Rubens’ half-length portrait of Frederik de Marselaer
dated by Rosenberg about 1630/35 – a presumed copy offered as genuine presently on the market – appears to have remained unknown to him.
Likewise in 1650 archbishop Boonen already had requested per posters by public reward of a forty-day indulgence to visit the insignia “given to the chapel of the castle of the Lord of Perk and Elewijt”, hoping His Holiness might extend the limited indulgence to a full one as then per 1st May the following year had been
“ granted for the certain relics of ST. HUBERT within the church of Elewijt
and granting the licence for that to the brotherhood of ST. HUBERT ”
by Innocence X and published 1651 by poster printed under the papal coat of arms. However, this Elewijt full indulgence was reserved to just the churchgoers “on the day of ST. HUBERT the 3rd of November each year”.
How much the Marselear name was metonymic as a synonym for the welfare of church & relicts of Elewijt even after the male line became extinct about 1720 is documented by a with 6¼ × 8¼ in (16 × 21 cm) rather large posthumous souvenir engraving by Antoon Opdebeek (1709-1759) at Mechelen with the Hubert scenery in front of the Elewijt church with the Marselear arms above. See in Huyghebeart illustrations 75-77.
In respect of publicity the licensing to the Hubert brotherhood
with the grant of full indulgence was a great success .
Coming from afar the crowd thronged anew at Elewijt, reminding of the great pilgrimages in the early 16th century when Hubert was appealed for protection against rabies.
Substantially older Perk Castle
as the Marselear ancestral seat at the time of Frederic .
Of simple origin in the 12th century, building activities from the 17th to 19th centuries created one of the most splendid manors of the Brussels area with more than 200 rooms amidst a 222 acres immense park. Via marriage of the Katharina de Wavre (Waver), daughter of Jan de Wavre flourishing between 1347 & 1378 and his heiress of Perk & Elewijt, with Johann van Weede/Bernaige
the properties run up on Frederic de Marselear
by joining in marriage with said Margriete van Borainage
pooling property & mind as family zenith in his person .
Ancestral root of this rise was the dominion Opdorp, today incorporated to Buggenhout whose present double arms show the former one of Opdorp, that is of the Marselears, on the left. As baronial Gwijde van Dampierre, count of Flanders, had given it in the 13th century to Willem van Grimbergen for rendered services. By marriage with Elisabeth van Grimbergen it passed to Geeraerd van Marselear in whose family it then remained for centuries. In 1435 Adriaen van M. erected the chapel there, in place of it threehundred years later a church was erected – with active aid by Ursuline sister Maria Therese van M., daughter of above grandson and heir Frederic Jozef Ignatius, and her heir Jan Willem d’Alvarado y Bracomonte, Burgrave of Lippelo and Lord of Opdorp. In between, 1641, Anton Sanderius wrote in his Flandria Illustrata “This dorp makes a show of a fine castle or palais erected by the lords of Marselears” (illustration there).
If a provenance attribution of present copy to Frederic de Marselear and the grandson Frederic Jozef Ignatius resp. deemed conceivable shall in so far not considered inconsistent as the ascertained Mazzuchelli provenance follows chronologically practically seamlessly to the extinction of the Marselears in the male line, for which in respect of current, albeit not entirely consistent, genealogical records on the family the years about 1720 are to be set. If relations to the Mazzuchellis existed is not known here. Nevertheless, there were such ones to the Spanish family of the Arrazola de Oñate, though politically branched out to Brussels, by marriage of two Marselear daughters, Margriete Frederika Hieronyme (1620-1695, at further relations into the family della Faille, de La Faille, to be localized at different places) & Johanna Angelica (1623 – Dec. 18, 1656).
Mazzuchelli options apart from those by marriage of a granddaughter of Frederic’s and a son (whose wife yet died already at the age of 22) & daughter each of just the thought grandson Frederic Jozef Ignatius as great-grandchildren.
For de Bruyn’s engravings in general
Wurzbach documents dates from 1592 (W. 76) to 1650 (vol. II, p. 217). 1601 he was admitted to the Antwerp guild as engraver and trader. And “On Dec. 4, 1652 he is indicated decrepit in a document” (Th.-B.).
According to Bredius the Antwerp engraver and brother-in-law, Assuerus van Londerseel, has printed and published several of the early works. “As results from the inventory later de Bruyn has handled printing (no. 75: Een druckpers) and publishing of his plates himself … In respect of the drawings and paintings (the latter of which presumably introduced here into literature concretely for the first time; besides nos. 78 f.: Vyer tonnekens met verwe and Twee saxkens met smalt/cobalt resp.) … it is noticeable that almost all deal with those partly only rarely occuring subjects de Bruyn has engraved, too, suggesting they may have been his designs” (Bredius, op. cit., p. 1599).
At top trimmed to the edge of the subject, at the sides with fine margin, which turns slightly wider below under the dedication line (this with minimal loss due to restauration). Due to several (tiny) tears or thin spots professionally restored by doubling, covered up ultimately withal, utterly ignoring the enormous rarity of the sheet, by the fascinating impact of the picture and its investing in an unparalleled overall concept with the Marselaer dedication added only here as the final dot on the i, documented as indeed
the graphical HUBERT representation which
in the saint’s home environment
as with the Southern Netherlands of greatest authenticity :
“ ‘For it was time-honored among the nobility of the Ardennes to commute, through all seasons, the firstlings among the tithe of any game for St. Hubert’ (L. p. 48).
The hunters asked Hubert for protection
and presented him with their bounties .
He should protect them from the many hazards the practice of any hunting brings with it, especially as in those days the hunt for powerful game in the impenetrable woods – armed with just arrow, bow, lance, and spear – frequently was very dangerous.
He was their patron , their patron saint .”
So Schlieker page 27. And on the real source of the conversion motif continued page 33:
“ The motif of the deer origins from the legend of St. Eustace venerated in the Roman church since about the 8th century. According to this legend about the year 110 AD, at the time of emperor Trajan, the heathen Roman general Placidus turned to Christendom after the encounter with a stag [whose picture of Christ Crucified ‘addressed him: Placidus, why do you pursue me who wants your salvation?’, so Meyers, op cit., V, 941] …
Already in the myths of antiquity a deer’s antlers were deemed
a symbol of a supranatural power .
After his baptism Placidus received the name Eustace … As patron of the hunt he carried weight in France … It can only be speculated why this legend of Eustace was transferred to Hubert. For once it might be a confusion since in old calendars the namesday of Eustace occasionally is listed at the beginning of the month of November, although the saint’s actual feast day is celebrated September 20. But supposedly the nobility in France will have furthered the transfer since in the 1st version of the legend of the 12th century (Vita III), in which he is mentioned as count palatinate, was of noble birth, too, and therefore one of them. Perhaps it also was the influence of the monks of Saint-Hubert Abbey who wanted to expand the already existing legend of St. Hubert impressively by the spectacular motif of the stag. ”
And this general need for patronage ultimately has not changed, irrespective of in any respect more comfortable circumstances today. So the Swiss collector of Frans Snyders’s game still-life Robels 84.I became a victim of his passion. During a battue for boars he was struck by even two bullets. Deadly.
All this then besides accompanied by superb rarity .
So unerreicht geblieben selbst Schwerdt und fehlend so vielerorts mehr bis hin zum British Museum als einem Sonst-Alles-Haber, siehe oben, und – bändesprechend – eben erst seit 1991 im Rijksmuseum als dem Nibelungen-Schatz niederländischer Kunst schlechthin. So denn auch erst hiesigerseits bekanntgemacht Günther Schlieker bei Vorbereitung seiner in Jahrzehnten gewachsenen, 2016 erschienenen monmentalen Hubertus-Dokumentation Die Verehrung des hl. Hubertus im Wandel der Jahrhunderte. Wie zuvor eben auch
unbekannt geblieben schon Huyghebaert
selbst nach seinerseits 21 weiteren Forschungsjahren
bei umfassendst erweiterter Neuauflage seines Sint Hubertus, Patroon van de Jagers in Woord en Beeld ( Antwerp [ sic ! ] 1949 mit nunmehr 361 Seiten + 173 Abbildungen gegenüber nur 158 Seiten + 34 Abbildungen 1927 ! ! ) ,
was besagte Seltenheit umso signifikanter belegt
als er Frederic de Marselaer ausführlich dokumentiert (SS. 174-181 + Abb. 75-80) !
Wie kostbar denn auch Conte Giovanni Maria Mazzuchelli
hiesiger St. Hubertus auf jeden Fall war
belegt seine besagte rückseitige 5fach-( sic ! ) Stempelung „Con. Gio. Mazzuchelli“ unter der Grafenkrone. Mit 21 Titeln bei Jöcher vertreten, zählt er „zu jener Brescianer Patricierfamilie, deren Name auf dem Gebiete der italienischen Litteratur durch mehrere Mitglieder bestens vertreten ist“ (ADB XXI, 150 gelegentlich des späteren Alois Graf von M.).
die das Wunder viel treuer als Dürer verdeutlichende Scenerie
— diesbezüglich bei Dürer die jüngste Forschung auf italienische Vorbilder erkennt —
als Ausfluß eines ganz anderen Selbstverständnisses, wurzelnd eben in dessen natülichem und damit, vor allem, auch geistigem Ambiente.
Denn während selbstentlarvend bei dem „selbstbewußte(n), selbstherrliche(n)“, auf Madrider Selbstporträt gar „fast provozierend herausgeputzt(en)“ Dürer (1501; vorgenannte Zitate von Eduard Beaucamp bzw. Henning Ritter in FAZ vom 4. 12. 02 bzw. Herbst 03) der bemützte ( sic! ) Jäger linksseits des Pferdes kniet, das somit optisch zwischen diesem und dem Hirsch steht, so bei Bruyn vor dem im linken Bildfeld angesiedelten Pferd. Und zwar, auf kleiner Lichtung, in denkbar größter Nähe zu dem Zehnender. Und während Dürer’s Ritter den Rücken analog betont durchdrückt, welches mit hochgelegener stolzer Burg kommunizierendem Selbstbewußtsein auch von glattem Gesicht (nach Winkler, Seite 97, übrigens die Gesichtszüge Kaiser Maximilians !) und gesellschaftlicher Willkommensheißung der Hände untermalt wird, kniet er bei Bruyn geschehensangemessen leicht vorgebeugt, mit Gesicht und den nach unten ausgebreiteten Armen
das Wunder dieses Augenblickes miterlebbar machend .
Und ehrfurchtsvoll vor sich abgelegt die standesgemäße Kopfbedeckung. Sinnvoll auch die Hinzufügung der Schwäne, der Schlange, des Hubertus-Hundes. Die reiche Landschaft Natur pur. Entsprechend denn Wurzbach I, 217 f.:
„ … (Bruyn) ist ein vorzüglicher Zeichner, seine Köpfe sind voll Ausdruck und Wahrheit, seine Kostüme phantastisch interessant und die Fülle der Figuren überraschend. “
Letztere in der Art van Leyden’s, „dessen Formen er sich so zu eigen machte, daß man viele seiner Originalstiche für Blätter nach Zeichnungen (desselben) zu halten versucht ist“ (Wurzbach, 1906). Und Thieme-Becker V, 1911, 160:
„ die Mehrzahl (seiner Blätter) aber nach eigener Erfindung — so auch das hiesige ! — und hierin zeigt sich de Br. als ein höchst origineller Künstler (AKL XIV, 1996, 617: ingeniöser Stecher), der die Kunstsprache des Lucas van Leyden (Bredius erinnert zugleich auch an Hendrick Goltzius) noch ein Jahrhundert nach dessen Ableben mit Geschick fortsetzte … Sein sehr reichhaltiges Œuvre …
gehört zu den interessantesten seiner Zeit .
Mit sicherem Grabstichel hat er eine große Reihe von Darstellungen aus der biblischen Geschichte in großem Format gestochen, welche man öfters in alten Bibeln eingeklebt findet. “
Neben solch schlecht zu verwahrenden Übergrößen, auch genereller Verschleißanfälligkeit als Thesenblätter, mag letzteres denn auch mit ein Grund für die Seltenheit dieser Arbeiten sein, denen Nagler wie Wurzbach ein Manko an Hell-Dunkel vorhalten. Was zumindest von dem hier anstehenden Abzug des Hubertus mitnichten gestützt wird. Die von dem von Bruyn wiederholt nachgestochenen Gillis van Coninxloo III (Antwerp 1544 – Amsterdam 1607) herkommende Landschaft von in die Tiefe führendem differenzierenden Hell-Dunkel, wie nach Bachmann (gelegentlich des Frühwerks van der Neer’s - „der Wald selbst, das Waldinnere“ – , Oud Holland LXXXIX, 1975, S. 214/II, Abs. 2) erst für den späten Coninxloo so typisch. Dies von ganz erheblichem Interesse, als Plietzsch hervorhebt, die Stecher nach Coninxloo mit de Bruyn an der Spitze hätten nur die „Landschaften aus seiner ersten Periode oder aus der Zeit des Überganges zur zweiten“ wiedergegeben (a. a. O., S. 27). Somit ist ganz offensichtlich schon vor hundert Jahren
de Bruyn’s Hubertus auch Plietzsch unbekannt geblieben .
Denn wenn auch als eigenständig keineswegs gedachten Nachstichen nach Coninxloo zuzuordnen, so
ruft de Bruyn gleichwohl landschaftlich wie letztlich thematisch
Coninxloo’s revolutionäres 1598er Spätwerk Waldlandschaft mit Jägern in Vaduz
(Plietzsch 14; „… while Coninxloo [as the greatest harbinger of seventeenth-century Dutch forest painting] was painting his revolutionary forest landscapes in Amsterdam“, Stechow) auf ersten Blick hin in Erinnerung und zeigt de Bruyn künstlerisch auf der Höhe der Zeit. Denn diese „erstaunliche“ (Stechow), „höchst belangreiche“ (Devisscher, der gleichwohl an Stelle Coninxloo’s eher Paul Bril sieht) Coninxloo‘sche Waldlandschaft galt der alten Literatur zusammen mit der 1595er Waldlandschaft Ertz 16 des älteren Jan Brueghel in Milan als
Vorbild einer neuen , nunmehr natürlichen Waldlandschaft schlechthin .
Und noch Stechow resümierte 1968 nach verschiedenseitiger Abwägung „But even this is relegated to a minor position when compared with Coninxloo’s amazing Forest of 1598 in the Liechtenstein Gallery“ (a. a. O., S. 66).
Daß de Bruyn dabei, rückwärtsgewandt, Coninxloo’s bewußt und folgerichtig kleinfigurig und damit marginal gesetzte Jäger + Hirsche zum Thema selbst erhebt und zu höchster Weihe dazu umwidmet, sollte nicht als Ironie mißverstanden werden. Sein Anliegen war ein anderes, so er denn auch beziehungsreich die bei Coninxloo einen sumpfigen Weiher zur Linken belebenden Störche als mythologisch weniger gewichtig durch Schwäne als den Vögeln der Weissagung ersetzt und deren Pool hinter den Hirsch an den rechten Rand plaziert. Aber das Ambiente für seine Darbietung sollte schon dernier cri sein. Womit ihm in der Tat zweifellos ein großer Wurf gelang. Denn noch dreihundert Jahre später findet sich sein landschaftliches Vorbild generell beigezogen in der Verdeutlichung dessen historischen Verdiensts:
„ … stellt (Coninxloo) sich als einer der wichtigsten Vertreter der Übergangszeit in der Geschichte der niederländischen Landschaftsmalerei dar, die … von der phantastischen Richtung der Mitte des 16. Jahrh. zur schlichten naturnahen Landschaftskunst des 17. Jahrh. hinüberleitet, und ist zugleich einer der ersten, der … Anregungen von Belgien nach Holland hinüberträgt … An Stelle der phantastisch aus Felsen und Bergen aufgebauten Landschaft tritt allmählich eine zwar noch mit Vorbedacht zusammengestellte, aber doch aus der Beobachtung der heimischen Natur erwachsene viel schlichtere. (Besonders in einigen Waldbildern in Wien bei Liechtenstein.) Der kulissenartige Aufbau wird durch eine Anordnung ersetzt, die einen von vorne nach hinten gleichmäßig sich entwickelnden Prospekt gibt. Zugleich rückt der Augenpunkt, der in den Frühwerken sehr hoch angenommen ist, immer tiefer herunter. Endlich gelingt es C., in seinen letzten Bildern von 1604 der ganzen Landschaft einen einheitlichen Ton zu geben und die schematische Einteilung in einen braunen Vordergrund, einen grünen Mittelgrund u. eine blaue Ferne zu überwinden … Überhaupt scheint seine Kunst auf viele holländische Landschaftsmaler einen bedeutenden Einfluß geübt zu haben, wie denn auch van Mander berichtet, daß seit seinem Erscheinen die Darstellung der Bäume in den Bildern seiner Landsleute sich wesentlich verändert habe “
(Zoege von Manteuffel in Thieme-Becker VII , 302 ff., wie als generell unverändert gültig auch noch von Ertz in AKL XX , 522 ff. übernommen).
Auch unter diesem Coninxloo’schen Landschafts-Aspekt ist Bruyn’s Hubertus somit von ganz wesentlichem Belegwert und könnten ihn Nagler („keine Idee vom Helldunkel“) und Wurzbach („alles wie in gleichmäßiger Beleuchtung gehalten“) diesbezüglich mißverstanden haben. So gibt de Bruyn mittels Motivbehandlung und aktuellster heimischer Waldlandschaft seinem Hubertus gegenteilig zu Dürer denn
schlechthin. Nämlich in jeglicher Hinsicht
das heimische Umfeld des Heiligen !
(„Für seine ab ca. 1603 entstandenen Bll. eigener Erfindung übernimmt B. wesentl. Merkmale der fläm. Wald- und Panoramalandschaft, legt aber den Hauptakzent auf die Bilderzählung“, AKL, a. a. O.)
Gesehen aus der selteneren Untersicht ,
worauf Andreas von Heusinger, Kustos em. des für seine Niederländer gerühmten Braunschweiger Herzog Anton Ulrich Museums, gelegentlich eines Besuchs aufmerksam machte. Damit aber jenen
„ Gesamteindruck großer Wirkung “
herstellend, den Herwig Guratzsch gelegentlich der Lazarus-Bilder der erst später nachfolgenden Rembrandt und Fabritius eigens hervorhebt (see his Die Auferweckung des Lazarus in der ndl. Kunst von 1400 bis 1700, Kortrijk 1980, I, p. 159).
Und damit dem einzigartigen Geschehen neben seinem mit 70 × 46 cm (27½ × 18⅛ in ; sic! ) ohnehin nahezu konkurrenzlos angemessenen Format mittels dieses Kunstgriffes seinesgleichen suchende letzte Optik verleiht. Um dann schlußendlich mit der
de Marselaer-Dedikation + Rubens-Nähe
jegliches Feld endgültig und weit abgeschlagen hinter sich zu lassen .
Erstmals präsent hier denn mit dem ganzen Anspruch seiner überragenden Seltenheit, auch mit den Spuren seiner Jahrhunderte, gewiß, doch
gesamthaft als ein wundervolles Blatt .
Links die zischelnde Versucher-Schlange , rechts die weissagenden Schwäne
wie schon von Schlieker eigens dokumentiert. Zur heutigen Hubertus-Bedeutung siehe in Ergänzung zu letzterem auch Heinz Brüll per Unterkapitel Die Bedeutung der Hubertuslegende (Lindner-Festgabe Et Multum et Multa, 1971, SS. 19 f.), E. Ueckermann, St. Hubertus – Legende und Wirklichkeit (unsere Jagd 11/96, SS. 26 f., hirschbezogen übrigens mit dem Hinweis „zumeist mit einem Geweih von acht Enden“, bei Bruyn, Dürer, Reinhart sind es zehn, bei Cort ist’s ein Ungerader Zehnender, letztere beiden siehe unten) sowie Peter Bußmann + Georg Haasis in Die Pirsch 23/96, SS. 108-111.
Hubert — “Protector from rabies , patron of hunters , shooters and riders .”
Offer no. 16,180 / price on application
“ Of Conducting the Hubert Feast ”
“ As now this St. Hubert shall be the inventor of the par force hunt; so to his honor at all places in Europe where this hunt is conducted November 3 his feast is celebrated and commemorated with the greatest solemnities … ”
“ Grande St. Hubert ”
Charles Aubry, Une St. Hubert
“ 1st Day) … the search servants … gather, and report where a good stag stands which is to be hunted … So then from the hunting palace the procession goes as follows … The other day a beating or battue is held; the third day gala or assemblée at the court; the fourth a boar hunt or else a German hunt; the fifth a festivity to the liking of the king or prince; the sixth a beating; the seventh, or on which day Sunday happens, is a day of rest, the eighth day is concluded by a par force hunt, and therefore also all hunting in this year. Just as then … if not eight days, nevertheless the Day of Hubert is observed solemnly ”
( Döbel, Jäger=Practica, 3rd ed., 1783, II/116 )
Hubert Day at St. Hubert ? …
Aubry, Charles (France 1st h. of the 19th cent.). Une St. Hubert. Hubert’s Day. On the left lateral bordure in the shape of a sectional depiction of a 5-floor house along with a garret, in each story pointing to another detail of preparation. From get up over inspection of the arms up to the departure. Lithograph. (1837.) Inscribed: PL: 1. / Ch Aubry / Publié et imprimé par Ch Motte, Rue St. Honoré No. 290. à Paris, title as above, otherwise captions. 14⅜ × 10⅞ in (36.5 × 27.5 cm).
Not in Schlieker, Die Verehrung des hl. Hubertus im Wandel der Jahrhunderte, 2016. – Opening sheet of the ordinary edition in b/w (Schwerdt I, 47) of the very rare of old (so qualified already in 1912 by Boerner CXII, 2296) Chasses Anciennes d’apres les Manuscrits des XIV & XVe Siècles (Thiébaud 48) published by Motte as one of the two main works in which Aubry ( “known lithographer” , Thieme-Becker ) achieved “examplary effect in his genre by the old frame method, the so-called Troubadour style. In the late work he dispenses with this frame completely. 1822 professorship for painting at the Éc. R. de Cavalerie in Saumur. Designed especially hunting, genre and military sceneries in the manner of the Vernets, competing in that also with Victor Adam” (AKL V, 587, erroneously confounding – besides bibliographically incorrectly – the two titles l’Histoire de l’Equitation & Chasses anciennes as one. – With oval dry-stamp LITHOGRAPHE C. Motte A PARIS. – On slightly toned strong paper. – Isolated foxing stipples within the subject, somewhat more in three of the wide white margins up to slight foxing above. Small tidemark in the outermost edge below left.
Offer no. 14,000 / EUR 404. / export price EUR 384. (c. US$ 418.) + shipping
One of the Two Side Chapels
Consecrated to St. Hubert
Leuven – St James’s Church Louvain, Tabernacle in. Tabernacle de l’Église St Jacques a Louvain. The rich, high-rising Gothic tabernacle by Gabriel van den Bruyne (Leuven 1476/1500? – 1561) with its brass balustrade with the four evangelists. Before it priest with confirmation classes. Color lithograph by François Stroobant (Brussels 1819 – Elsene 1916). C. 1855. Inscribed: F. Stroobant del. et lith. / C. Muquardt éditeur. / Imp. Simonau & Toovey, Bruxelles., otherwise in French, German, and English as above. 13⅜ × 8¾ in (34 × 22.2 cm).
Boetticher II/2, 855. – “Belgian architectural painter … known by works and drawings to art history, especially of his homeland. Several drawings lithographed by himself.” So the present one, too.
“ (Bruyne) created 1537 to 1539 the splendid tabernacle of Saint James’s Church in Louvain which is reproduced from the one by Matthieu de Layens in St. Peter’s Church there. The artist received for it the sum of 250 Florin., 20 Sol. ”
(Hans Vollmer, Thieme-Becker V , p. 160).
One of the two side-chapels of the originally Romanesque church, rebuilt in Gothic style after almost complete destruction by supposedly lightning, by the way – not in Schlieker, Die Verehrung des hl. Hubertus im Wandel der Jahrhunderte, 2016 – consecrated to St. Hubert, while the “Devil’s Bell”, according to the legend being not baptised and therefore hanging on the outside of the tower, reckons among the Seven Wonders of Louvain.
Offer no. 15,512 / EUR 178. (c. US$ 194.) + shipping
on the Completion of Hubertusburg Castle
— “ As I have seen then in particular here in Saxony at Hubertus=Burg and remarked … and at Ludwigsburg, in Württemberg … then have celebrated most solemnly the St. Hubert Feast with hunting pleasures and other amusements full 8 days ” (Döbel as above) — etched
of the Conclusion of Peace there in 1763
“ As the peace treaty to the Seven-Years-War was concluded at Hubertusburg, the name of the saint will be mentioned in this composition for all times” (Schlieker per Hubert Celebrations at the Hunting Lodge Hubertusburg, op cit., pp. 153-156.
Ridinger, Johann Elias (Ulm 1698 – Augsburg 1767). This very rare white badger which was speckled with yellow reddish and dark chestnut spots has been dug out and hounded in the park at St. Hubertusburg (near Leipsic) the 5th 9bris in the year of 1724. Etching & engraving by Martin Elias Ridinger (1731 Augsburg 1780). (1763.) Inscribed: Joh. El. Ridinger inv. del. et exc. Aug. Vind. / Mart. El. Ridinger sculpsit., otherwise in German as before. 14 × 10⅜ in (35.4 × 26.3 cm).
Thienemann & Schwarz 316; Reich auf Biehla Collection 71; publications of the ridinger gallery niemeyer 20, no. 54 with ills. – Sheet 74 of the only posthumously completed set of the Most Wondrous Deer and other Animals and dedicated by the Ridingers to that historical occasion by which
a global conflict of modern dimension
found its conclusion
and Prussia was established as a European power .
(“A famous name Hubertusburg obtained by the peace made there at Febr. 15, 1763 …”, Meyers Konv.-Lex., 4th ed., VIII, 752/I.) — Zoological badger rarity as together one of Ridinger’s only two own Saxon motifs. “Color variations generally are very rare with the badger,
yet least often that of white color ”
(Wilhelm von Tessin on occasion of the shooting of such one near Tübingen 1836 per Strange Subspecies of the Badger red-hot in Allgemeine Forst- und Jagd-Zeitung with reference to Jester, Über die kleine Jagd, pt. 5, 1800, who documents an earlier one dug out and hunted in East Prussia about 1770. In context with the white Hubert stag yet downright trouvaillesque. – The drawing, black chalk heightened with white on bluish paper, in the Ridinger appendix of Weigel’s 1869 catalog of the bequeathed drawings per lot 380.
Marvelous impression rich in contrast and a warm tone on strong laid paper. On the back marginal tape around from previous framing and a corresponding light streak on the front in the 2.8-5.1 cm wide white margin. Small backed tear lower left.
Offer no. 13,222 / EUR 654. / export price EUR 621. (c. US$ 677.) + shipping
White Hubertusburg “Peace” Badger
In Context with the White Hubert Stag
downright trouvaillesque !
Hoorn 1533 – Rome 1578
“ … opened the way of the art of engraving in the large scale ”
With 1573 the Generation before de Bruyn
As Father of the Par Force Hunt once more with bugle and hunting knife with griffin pommel in kneeling position of humility
before – true to the legend – white stag
and bare head as self-understanding. Set back in the middle distance his mountain citadel above a further property. In the air flight of birds, among which to their flying figure supposedly the two swans appearing also with de Bruyn,
as the prophesying birds of mythology
and a heron. Engraving with etching after Girolamo Muziano (Acquafredda near Brescia 1528/32 – Rome 1592). Inscribed: in the subject lower right HIERONYMO MVCIANI INVE(N). / Corneli cort. fe. / 1573 + in the lower platemark In Roma presso Carlo Losi l’anno 1774. 20½ × 15⅜ in (52 × 39.2 cm).
Hollstein 113, IV. – From Wurzbach Cort 33; Nagler III, p. 126, and, Muziano, X, p. 87; Allgemeines Künstler-Lexikon XXI, pp. 341 f.; Schwerdt III, p. 49 (likewise with the later address of Losi).
Schlieker ills. 17/41 (incompletely as „Corneille“ and in ignorance of the exact date). – Not among the 172 illustrations of the – compared with the first edition of 1927 – richly enlarged second one of Huyghebaert’s Sint Hubertus Patroon van de Jagers in Woord en Beeld, Antwerp 1949.
From the set of the Seven Large Landscapes with saints
– “ masterpieces and rarely in good impressions ” –
(Nagler 1836), “known under the name of the penitent”, worked “at the personal request of Muziano … with C. not being concerned with the publication any further …
doubtless his most popular and most frequently published engravings ”
(AKL 1999), here then in Losi’s evenly fine impression to whom are owed from the 1770s yet further new editions of the 16th century, with invariably fine differentiated setting off of the background from the event which of the foreground and yet not cleaned right platemark. – On strong laid paper with twice enclosed watermark Fleur-de-lis in circle with pendant V, related to the group Heawood 1589 ff. as throughout Italian papers of the 16th to late 18th centuries. – Margins above & left 2.4 cm, below & right 0.6-1 cm wide. The smoothed centerfold only feebly perceptible in the subject’s center, likewise almost only on the back a trifling foxspottedness. Minimal pressure mark below the castle. In such a manner of all-round fine general impression as frequently searched for in vain with these large formats of old prints, furthermore standing for Cort’s fame beginning with the arrival 1565 at Tizian’s in Venice.
“ All (his) mentioned early (Dutch) works … are rather anxious in the stroke of lines … and barely foreshadow
the excellent artist who in Italy short time later
– comparable to Girard Audran 100 years later: “Before his departure to Rome in 1666 (only) few works … are worth mentioning … these works are … far from the pictorial and grandiose effect of the ‘Batailles d’Alexandre’ … One can hardly imagine more beautiful engravings”, Th.-B. II (1908), 239 –
created his works exemplary for a whole generation of engravers .
But C. already must have enjoyed a significant reputation … otherwise Tizian hardly would have entrusted him with the reproduction of his most important works (the paintings for the emperor; recte this was, as documented by AKL, recommended to him by Lampsonius [see below]) and employed the engraver for about a year exclusively for himself. Before he got acquainted with C. Tizian had his works reproduced mostly in woodcut … The engravings C. now worked for Tizian
the master have valued particularly ;
for he sent copies of them to his mighty patrons, in the expectation to keep alive by this the interest at his art in a proper manner …
The sudden turn to the grandiose in the style of C.
during his stay in Venice thus can be attributed to Tizian’s personal influence, who by this also has the merit to have co-caused
the new epoch of the Italian engraving induced in the following by C.
… The result Tizian had hoped for from C.’s engravings was not long in coming; we have as evidence for this the enthusiastic letter of Lampsonius (Dominique L., poet & art writer, “already in his lifetime he enjoyed the reputation of being one of the best humanists of the Low Countries”, Th.-B. XXII, 277) … to Tizian on the 6 engravings (by Cort) he had seen at the prince-bishop’s of Liège. Lampsonius asks Tizian to obtain impressions of the engravings for him, too, and praises C.’s sheets for
the bold and brisk line , especially in the treatment of the landscape
… (since March 1567) C. had gained great popularity in Rome due to the virtues of his art … C. became the preferred engraver of the two Zuccari … then of (then also present here)
Muziano who stirred a great sensation in Rome then
(and 1571/72 he worked in Tizian’s house again) … The influence C. had on the Italian engraving of the 2nd half of the 16th century is not examined in detail yet. It is certain that only Goltzius again furthered the development of the technique of engraving by another step and that up to his appearance
C. could maintain undisputed
the fame of being the first engraver in the world
… C.’s engravings must have achieved a great propagation for the most were published subsequently by several publishers … ”
(L. Burchard 1912 in Thieme-Becker VII, 475 ff.). – Then 1975 Hans Mielke in the Berlin Bruegel Catalog:
“ … who by development of the waist-practice (letting the individual line swell in the shadow parts) becomes a pioneer for the practice of engraving. ”
And 1999 Manfred Sellink in Allgemeines Künstler-Lexikon :
“ It is characteristic for the œuvre created in Italy that C. knows to achieve by the linear engraving technique a distinct painterly effect in grey tones. Presumably Tizian, in view of C.’s capabilities as engraver, has effected a singular privilege in Venice in 1567 according to which every print was protected for fifteen years … The technical skill and the ability to reproduce the paintings of varied masters graphically convincing earn C. lifelong appreciation as one of the best engravers of his time – (his skill already praised by the expert and artist biographer Karel van Mander as contemporary in his “Didactic Poem” [about 1600]) – … In the manner of formation and (engraving) technique C. has exerted lasting influence of which not only the more than 500 copies after his prints give evidence, but also the fact that in Rome a whole generation of engravers, far into the 17th century, has worked in his manner. ”
But already 1858 Nagler had stated to the point in the dictionary of Monogramists (I, 2382) by the words
“ marked an epoch in Rome for he united virtues within himself
which other praised artists of his time lack ”.
Here then after Muziano to whose “great delicacy and strong sense for nature” in the subject of landscape Thieme-Becker (XXV, 1931, p. 304) refer to. He himself had continued his studies “in Venice under the influence of Tizian, and since c. 1548 in Rome under that of Michelangelo”. And adequately he requested the hand of Cort for the reproduction of his Seven Large Landscapes, from which set the St. Hubert stands out as primus inter pares.
As first graphic Hubert
of wall-fitting large format .
For “Up to the age of C. Cort one had worked almost merely on a small scale, he however opened the way of the art of engraving in the large scale, that is he had discovered new ways for the art and done new steps towards perfection. He engraved a great many fine sheets which are the delight of the connoisseurs, and please for the taste, for their fine effect and the correctness of the drawing” (Nagler).
Offer no. 15,266 / price on application
“ A hunter need never be ashamed
to be found in company with his dog ! ”
James Fenimore Cooper , The Prairie , 1827
King Modus & Queen Ratio
650 Years Old Textbook of Hunting Knowledge
(Ferrières, Henri de.) Le Livre du Roy Modus / The Book of the Hunt of King Modus. Fol. 1-105 of Ms. 10218-19 of the Bibliothèque Royale Albert Ier, Brussels. Manuscript in red & black on vellum. Brugge 1st half till mid of 15th century. 11¾ × 8⅛ in (299 × 205 mm). 2, 105 ll. With
(most 3⅜ × 5¼ in [8.5 × 13.5 cm]) by the master of the Girart de Roussillon and initials decorated throughout, all most richly in gold and many colors. — Not in Schlieker —
Facsimile edition in the original size and the original colors. Facsimile & commentary volume (by Dagmar Thoss together with German translation from the oldest illuminated manuscript of 1379 Fr. 12399 of the Biblioth. Nat., Paris, by Max Haehn, 119 pp., 5 ills.). 1989. Gilt orig. light brown leather with 6 ornamental raised bands, filet and acanthus wave rank on both boards and rich design of the back with pomegranates enclosed by acanthus leaves and stylized tulip together with title-stamping on red ground and colored marbled fly-leaves together with library mark of the Bibliothèque Royale, except for the leather marbling and the gilt edges all corresponding to the orig. binding of the 18th century, however, here faithfully untrimmed only as usual for manuscripts, & orig. cloth in orig. cloth slipcase with back-plate.
CODICES SELECTI XCI. – No. 236/975 numbered copies of the German-language set beside 1650 for the French and 375 for the Spanish market plus 40 unnumbered author’s copies each as limited world edition.
The latest of in total nine illuminated manuscripts created for Philip the Good, duke of Burgundy (1396-1467), of the
oldest French book on the hunt ,
with its high quality the pendant depictions of red deer & wild boar as symbols of light and darkness, represented in the antler-charmingly arranged picture of the
and the Tree of Evil
visited by the Boar
Written as textbook by a connoisseur of degree, who had still hunted with Charles IV (d. 1328) and “thus only of high age, as several of his contemporaries and compeers, had exchanged the sword with the pen”. And whose own family hunts received artistic consecration still 600 years later as Les Chasses de Ferrières. While exactly 600 years later the Château de Ferrières, then already “splendid estate” of the Rothschilds, became witness of Franco-German past. From Sep. 19 to Oct. 6, 1870, it served as headquarter for the King of Prussia and “here Sep. 19 and 20, 1870, fruitless peace talks between count Bismarck and Jules Favre took place” (Meyers Konversations-Lexikon, 4th ed., VI , 163/II).
Devided into two main sections, “Modus” explains
beside the practice of the hunt with hounds
and the falconry trap devices & archery .
The facsimilation ends with the textbook on whose last page – common to all manuscripts – the author’s Songe de pestilence follows (Ms. 10,219). It served as model to Gaston de Phébus’ later textbook which, however, became much more famous and was printed for the first time in 1486.
Stylistically the miniatures are to be assigned to the Master of the Girart de Roussillon (= Master of the Chronicle of Jerusalem) and stand out by open, painterly brush-work, richly shaded coloring as well as spacious landscape design including illusionary effects.
Of the Girart master several manuscripts worked for Philipp are known.
“ (His) workshop was of great importance for Flemish book painting in the mid of the 15th century; in it the most precious illuminated manuscripts of these years were created. ”
And thus quite fitting into the setting of Philip’s collections who was
“ an enthusiastic supporter of art and science and owner of one of the most important collections of manuscripts in his time into which he wanted to include only
extraordinarily beautiful works
… it was considered as ‘the best-equipped of Christianity’ with which that of the French king could not rival anymore ”
(Stange & Jerchel in Löffler-Kirchner, Lexikon des gesamten Buchwesens, III , 11).
For you now, however, the opportunity to acquire one of its show-pieces as
sumptuously beautiful facsimile
for your own library, joining history of the hunt & optics. – As good as new.
Offer no. 15,855 / EUR 980. / export price EUR 931. (c. US$ 1014.) + shipping
– – The same. – No. 386/975 copies as above. – Particularly frontcover & spine of the slipcase dirt-stained, otherwise almost as new.
Offer no. 15,861 / EUR 790. / export price EUR 751. (c. US$ 818.) + shipping
Franconian St. Hubert in Rome
Reinhart, Johann Christian (Hof 1761 – Rome 1847). The Landscape with Saint Hubert. Etching. Inscribed on stone lower right in the subject “R (ligated JR?) / 1811.” & left below the subject J. C. Reinhart inv. et fec. Romæ 1810 (sic!). 8⅛ × 10⅝ in (20.7 × 26.9 cm).
J. E. Wetterauer
oldmaster prints and drawings
his smaller round monogram stamp in black verso
(Lugt 4267, after 2000, in use for but a few months)
along with inventory no. 3666
Schlieker, Die Verehrung des hl. Hubertus im Wandel der Jahrhunderte, 2016, ills. 29/78 (this copy). – Not among the 172 illustrations of the – as against the first edition of 1927 – richly enlarged second one of 1949 of Huyghebaert’s Sint Hubertus Patroon van de Jagers in Woord en Beeld.
Andresen-Feuchtmayer 123, II (of III); Nagler, Monogramists, IV, 3507 (as “R”), 1; the same, Künstler-Lex., 50. – Plate 1 of the 6-sheet set of landscapes dated in the lower margin with 1805, 1810 & 1815, “one of which with the legend of Saint Hubert” (Nagler 50-55; Weigel, Art Stock Cat., IV , 5327 [impressions on toned paper]). – One of the few plates in the œuvre with additional monogram:
“ Most plates bear the name of the artist, only few the letter R and C.R. With R (5) are inscribed: 1) The Landscape with Saint Hubert, 1811. … ” (Nagler).
THE STAGE-LIKE COMPOSED RICH SUBJECT – the saint, however, in Dürer-German manner with the plume hat kept on! – in very fine impression with margins of 0.3 (below) to 0.8 cm all round on toned vélin. – Browning on the back along with two faint tidemarks at the edge, the former almost only perceivable a little on the front lower right in the white margin, of the tidemarks just the left one and that only barely.
“ R.s early development in Germany, auspiciously directed by Klengel, fully unfolded in Meiningen, shows an
enormous freshness and freedom of perception of nature ,
especially in drawing and etching. Here he belongs to the most important discoverers of the intimate, closely seen landscape, to the liberators of a new real vision from the fetters of Dutch tradition in Germany. This refreshing originality of observation still lasts in the first Roman time … indeed only there his liveliest animal etchings were created which place him at the side of the revivers of animal depiction … and point far into the 19th century. Also his early pastoral scenes in Rome with their beautiful fusion of naturalism and bold spaciousness are aglow with the powerful experience of nature at Meiningen … ”
“ A great lover of the hunt ,
he likely furnished his landscapes with animals ”
(Thieme-Becker XXVIII , p. 126, and Richard Muther in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie [XXVIII, 1889, p. 75]) resp.
Offer no. 15,176 / EUR 790. / export price EUR 751. (c. US$ 818.) + shipping
C. Spiegel’s Hotel at the entrance of the Bode Valley below Roßtrappe near Thale in the Harz Mountains. Garden view in front of the fine mountain scenery with numerous, partly still promenading guests, some of which studying the list of beverages. While the ladies drink their coffee the gentlemen have wine throughout. On the left hunter with hound. Colored lithograph. C. 1850. 11 × 12⅝ in (27.9 × 32.1 cm).
Schlieker, Die Verehrung des hl. Hubertus im Wandel der Jahrhunderte, 2016, full-page ills. 29/216 (this copy). – With the address of the Ducal Court, Stone, and Letterpress Printers at Ballenstedt. – A very rare leaf, worthy of acquisition in spite of general time marks as the imperfections (creasing, light foxing, the right margin even quite strong, and with tidemark running into the picture) appear in the picture itself only minimally. Otherwise wide-margined and of fresh spring-like colors.
Offer no. 12,579 / EUR 404. / export price EUR 384. (c. US$ 418.) + shipping
At the Zenith of the Veneration of Diana
— from about 1680 till 1850 —
when Diana , not Hubert , was the Hub
as at the Same Time
Fine Bow to Our Huntresses
Johann Elias Ridinger
Ulm 1698 – Augsburg 1767
Young Huntresses in the Character of Diana
2 sheet. Mezzotints for Gabriel Spitzel (also Spizel, 1697 Augsburg 1760, friend of Johann Elias’). Inscribed: Ioh. Elias Ridinger delin. / Gabriel Spizel excud. A.V. 19½-19⅝ × 14¼-14⅜ in (49.6-49.8 × 36.3-36.5 cm).
Neither in Thienemann (1856), Schwarz (1910) & Wend, Ergänzungen zu den Œuvreverzeichnissen der Druckgrafik, I, 1 (1975) nor in the large stocks of Weigel (1838/57), Coppenrath (1889/90), Helbing (1900) or the rich collections of Schwerdt (1928), Faber-Castell (1958) inclusive of the 23-sheet stock “Engravings not known to Thienemann and Schwarz” there (in 14 lots). Also not in the current further Ridinger collections of quality present here. In this scope thus here not provable.
ridinger gallery niemeyer
By subject and size closely related to items Th. 1110 & (only Schwarz) 1448 with their variants 1113/14, in literature and collection catalogs here not traceable
from the zenith of the veneration of Diana for Sigrid Schwenk lasting from about 1680 till 1850:
“ Still for the kings and princes who ordered the (baroque) palaces, as for the artists who decorated them
Diana obviously was the incarnation of the hunt ,
the goddess which protected huntsmen and chased game equally. But sometime she had to make off … (and is) practically without any importance in the scope of today’s hunting. That this was not always so, that the goddess taken over from antiquity once was
at the center of German hunting
— not only with the nobility , but also with professional hunters and foresters —
we only know from new researches during the past ten years. … What high importance was attached to Diana as protectoress of the hunt, the hunter and the game particularly in the circles of the professional huntsmen and foresters (what Dieter Stahmann in Weidgerecht und Nachhaltig, 2008, 77, traces back to the then classical education of the latters), can be read especially well in an apprentice’s indentures Joseph Reichsgraf von und zu Arco had issued for a hunter righteous to stag and wood on July 23, 1792 ”
( Sigrid Schwenk ,
Diana – Ein Nachruf auf die fast vergessene Göttin der Jagd ,
in Blüchel , Die Jagd , 1996 , vol. I , pages 210-215 ) .
“ Diana’s Image can be seen here with Pleasure
In cool shadows’ air for the heat plagues her ;
She plays with her hound on which she may rely,
Who has already hunted her many a game into the kitchen. ”
“ The brave heroine will also lie in wait for the game
And is ready for all pains of hunting ,
For she is equipped with a hound as she only could wish for,
So she does not doubt a good bag. ”
Of quite even fine, brown-black velvet print quality full of fine chiaroscuro, the charming impact of the images – sitting in dreamy attitude here, in active position there – finally is not touched by the traces of age inescapably peculiar to the old mezzotints. Trimmed to platemark, on the left to the edge of the image, the sheets are mounted at the four corners as well as on both sides at the centerfold slightly strained-fissured by light bruise. Also else here and there light traces of age and quite weak touch of fox-spots practically noticeable in the white text field only.
„ The mezzotints – Thienemann generally stated already 140 years ago – are almost not to be obtained in the trade anymore … (A)ll produced by and after Joh. El. Ridinger … (are) that rare that they can be found almost only in some public excellent print rooms. I found most of the described ones – thus not the present ones! – only in the famous Dresden cabinet “
( pages VIII & 270 ) .
For only editions of about “50 or 60 clean impression(s)” were practicable for the expert and theorist Joachim von Sandrart. Having given his “Teutsche Akademie” (1675) to the apprentice doubtless was the decisive, lasting merit of the otherwise so meagre master Resch in Ulm. “(A)fterwards, however, the image grinds off soon”.
With the publisher / engraver (?) Spizel we finally meet that friend of the master who had established the connection to Wolf Baron (so, contrary to Kilian/Thienemann, Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie) von Metternich in Regensburg, where Ridinger then spent his “three decisive years pure and simple … The ‘ad vivum pinxit’ which could stand over all of his painting and is determining for their genius finds the first and at once very far-reaching pre-requisites here” (Wolf Stubbe, Johann Elias Ridinger, 1966, pp. 6 f.).
Offer no. 28,406 / price on application
Saint Hubert — Consummated 1290 Years Ago
“ I have received the copy of Schoenberg’s Harmonielehre … I am very pleased with it. Thank you very much for your help ”
(Mrs. C. C., March 7, 2003)